H-NET BOOK REVIEW
Published by H-LusoAfrica@h-net.msu.edu (November 2003)
Jose C. Curto. "Alcool e Escravos: O Comercio Luso-Brasileiro do Alcool em
Mpinda, Luanda e Benguela durante o Trafico Atlantico de Escravos (c. 1480-1830) e
o Seu Impacto nas Sociedades da Africa Central Ocidental". Translated by Marcia
Lameirinhas. Tempos e Espacos Africanos Series, vol. 3. Lisbon: Editora Vulgata, 2002. 402
pp. Tables, maps, notes, bibliography, glossary.
EUR 25.00 (cloth), ISBN 972-8427-24-7.
Reviewed for H-LusoAfrica by Jeremy Ball, Department of History, Whitman College
Alcohol and Slaves
Jose Curto's main argument is that alcohol constituted one of the most important trade
commodities in the Atlantic slave trade at Mpinda, Luanda, and Benguela c.1480-1830. This
argument is not new, but what is original is Curto's careful analysis of the imports of
alcohol over four centuries, the impact of these imports on the societies of West Central
Africa, and the profits--as much as 500 percent--realized by Brazilian and Portuguese
merchants. Unfortunately Curto was not able to tabulate the profits accruing to African
merchants, whose profits were realized in prestige and dependents. Curto argues that
African merchants' preference for Brazilian "cachaca" (rum) over Portuguese wine
gave Brazilian merchants a competitive advantage in the Angolan slave trade, which led in
the late-seventeenth century to the predominance of Brazilian merchants, and of
"cachaca" over wine.
Curto, who is an historian, pieced together information from disparate sources on three
continents. His sources include import statistics collected in Brazilian, Angolan, and
Portuguese archives; missionary accounts; travelers' accounts; records of merchants; and
government reports. The exhaustive process of compiling statistics is laid out in the
thirty-six tables in the appendix. The absence of oral sources, which Curto explains would
be of little use for the time period ending in 1830 (p. 35), is an understandable lacuna.
Curto discusses his sources throughout the text.
The book is divided into nine chapters. The first two describe the production and cultural
significance of locally made wine and beer. Though his sources come primarily from
sixteenth- and seventeenth-century missionary and traveler accounts, Curto provides a
comprehensive explanation of the types of alcohol produced and consumed in West Central
Africa at the time of the first contacts with Europeans in the fifteenth century. Two
widely consumed African alcoholic beverages at contact were "malafu", a wine
extracted from raffia palms, and "ovallo", a beer produced from local cereals
such as sorghum and millet. Curto explains how elites in the raffia palm zones enjoyed
daily access to raffia palm wine, whereas commoners only drank as part of rituals or
feasts. Beer, on the other hand, was more democratic. One of the drawbacks of both
"malafu" and "ovallo" was that neither lasted longer than a few days;
thus neither could be transported. Thus, Curto argues that durability, in addition to
potency, explained the popularity of imported European and Brazilian alcohol among
Africans (p. 80).
Another argument of Curto is African agency in the slave trade. He is not the first
historian of Africa to argue for African agency in determining the nature of the
commodities exchanged for slaves.[1] However, with his meticulously collected trade
statistics Curto does support his argument with evidence. Unfortunately, he does not have
the data to assess African profits, though it
is not unreasonable to suggest that the switch from wine to "cachaca" in the
mid-seventeenth century meant larger profits for African, as well as Brazilian, merchants.
Chapters 3 and 4 examine the alcohol trade in the Kindgom of Kongo (chapter 3) and Luanda
and its hinterland (chapter 4). Curto highlights patterns established in the Kingdom of
Kongo, which hold true for Luanda and Benguela as well. For example, the fact that wine is
one of the few trade items offered by the Portuguese that interests African merchants (p.
105). One of the most
interesting arguments is that Roman Catholic missionaries working in the Kingdom of Kongo
used tributes of Portuguese wine to receive permission to proselytize from Kongolese
rulers. Further south in Luanda, Paulo de Novais, who received the first land grant to
found Luanda, insisted on a monopoly on the importation of alcohol, which he considered
vital to the slave trade (p. 121).
In chpater 5 Curto builds on Joseph Miller's work on the workings of the southern Atlantic
economy, and specifically the battle between Portuguese and Brazilian merchants for the
lucrative alcohol commerce at Luanda. Ultimately Portuguese merchants lost market share to
the Brazilians, in spite of great government protection, because Africans preferred
"cachaca" to wine (p. 129).
The Portuguese ban on the importation of "cachaca" in 1679 hurt the
all-important slave trade and was thus rescinded in 1695.
Chapters 7 and 9 focus on the profitability of the alcohol trade at Luanda and Benguela
respectively. Curto draws on his meticulous research statistics to argue that
"cachaca" equalled roughly 25 percent of the value of exported slaves from
Luanda between 1700 and 1830 (p. 201), and proved profitable for all involved in this
commerce. Brazilian merchants realized profits with "
cachaÁa" of as much as 500 percent (p. 217). African slave traders in the interior,
who acquired slaves through warfare and the collection of debts, used foreign alcohol to
attract dependents and acquire status.
"Alcool e Escravos" makes an important contribution to our understanding of the
African side of the Atlantic slave trade. By arguing that African merchants determined the
assemblage of trade goods accepted in exchange for slaves, Curto argues for African agency
and ultimately a shared responsibility for the slave trade. The most challenging aspect of
the book for the reader is that it reads much like the dissertation from which it came and
is dry in parts. A well-written introduction adds to the book's overall cohesiveness.
Note
[1]. See, for example, John K. Thornton, "Africa and Africans in the Making of the
Atlantic World, 1400-1680" (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 44.
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