A Change in Week Twelve’s Readings:
Please note this change in the week’s recommended readings.
The readings for week twelve are:
Mary Carbine’s “The Finest Outside the Loop: Motion Picture Exhibition in Chicago’s Black Metropolis”
The suggested readings are:
David Gerstner’s “African American Realism: Oscar Micheaux, Autobiography, and the Ambiguity of Black Male Desire”
Charlene Regester’s “From the Buzzard’s Roost: Black Movie-going in Durham and Other North Carolina Cities during the Early Period of American Cinema”
Jacqueline Stewart’s “Negroes Laughing at Themselves? Black Spectatorship and the Performance of Urban Modernity”
May 2nd, 2007 at 6:16 am
Some highlighting quotes from Mary Carbine’s article -
“The Finest Outside the Loop” – Motion picture exhibition in Chicago’s Black Metropolis (1905-1928).
Mary Carbine looks at the Motion picture exhibition scenario of Chicago between 1905 and 1928. In her article she describes how Chicago’s black community provided a space for consciousness and assertion of social difference as well as the consumption of mass amusement. 1905 marked the beginning of the first black owned theatre in Chicago. There was also a distinct presence of live entertainment rooted in African American culture and race a factor affecting access to mass entertainment.
Between 1890 and 1910 the black resident population in Chicago rose seven times and by between 1910 and 1920 by 148 percent. This migration is attributed to the “Great Migration” wherein Southern blacks moved up North. This migration is often described in economic terms, with rural blacks responding to the promise of jobs in the industrial North and North East. However, historians argue that the great migration was motivated by a number of interrelated factors, including the desire for better education, political franchise, equal treatment under the law, and hopes for a life free from racial violence and abuse. During the same time there was a 21 % rise in the non-black population in Chicago. Thus it makes it important to look into black spectatorship and exhibition practice of that era.
In scholarly work, on early cinema, the tendency to neglect issues of black spectatorship is part of a more general theoretical problem. Most studies of mass culture employ theoretical models that downplay the possibility that minority groups can use commercial entertainment in culturally specific ways. Lizabeth Cohen argues, the “embourgeoisement thesis” emphasizes how mass culture blurs class lines and flattens ethnic distinctions, posing white, middle-class tastes and values as cultural norms to which all social groups aspire. Thus when workers or immigrants consumed mass culture, including picture houses, listened to commercial radio and purchase of brand name goods, they inevitably ceded their class identity and cultural autonomy to the agendas of those with economic and social power. Muss culture and commercial entertainment are seen as operating with inexorable force to integrate workers and immigrants into mainstream society. However such models are unable to account for the historically specific actions of individual social groups. (Pg. 235)
Cohen further argues that such acts of consumption were a means for the blacks to feel more independent and autonomous as a race and perhaps an attempt to promote a culturally reaffirming African American identity.
“Once the embourgeoisement model is nuanced by an emphasis on the cultural activities and everyday life of different social groups. The film text no longer serves as the prime site of meaning and instrumentality. This shift is useful when examining the relation between blacks and cinema because so few blacks have had access to the means of film production, with either financial or creative agency. Relatively, few examples of black cast film productions survive from the silent era. The scarcity of such examples limits the ability of researchers to use these texts to construct a representative picture of black spectators in history. An audience and exhibition based study, centred in a particular black community, can ground its analysis in a context dominated by blacks, not as constructs of a text or victims of Hollywood racism but as workers and consumers, performers and spectators, and as people with the ability to invent their own cultural forms and practices.” (Pg. 236)
Chicago’s Black Metropolis is explored as a site that became witness to the rationalization of commercial entertainment of the film industry and the codification of the classical Hollywood style, leading the theatre to become “home of the coloured race”(Pg. 243), however, these products and venues most often were controlled by white capital. Theatre advertisements, reviews and accounts of audience response suggest that live performances by black acts, including vaudeville, blues, and jazz, featured prominently and even predominantly in community venues. The relations among black performers, black spectators, and mainstream white movies created a specific dynamic of reception that migrated against the hegemony of mass culture. Black audiences “consumed” the movies in a context determined as much by the interest and tastes of the black community as by the economic and social agendas of the white majority.
The process of migration and population growth in Chicago is suggested as being a factor that strengthened and extended aspects of southern black culture, particularly the role of family and community.
The increasing majority of the population settled in a 7.5 square mile area known as the Black Metropolis also known as the Black Belt, located just south of Chicago’s downtown known as the Loop. Though there was a significant growth in Chicago’s black population in the 1930 from 30,150 to over 200 thousand, they borders of the Black Metropolis remained constant creating increasingly congested black neighbourhoods. Racial hostility discouraged most blacks from venturing into white or ethnic European neighbourhoods. Thus leading to segregation and often looked forward to freedom from whites in everyday life. Grossman terms a “dynamic of choice and constraint,” strongly determined by economic factors, shaped the social and geographic boundaries of the district where black people from a range of social classes and regional backgrounds lived, shopped and participated in leisure activities. Blacks ere less likely than most Chicagoans to share pubic space with other ethnic groups of similar socio-economic status. Most black Chicagoans did not have significant contact with whites outside of the workplace, connections to white sources of power and middle class values did influence social relations within the black community.
Grossman describes notions of respectability- and, by extension, class - as influencing relations between the “old settlers” of Black Metropolis and newly arriving migrants. Institutions such as the YMCA, Urban League, black churches and press organized campaigns to instruct newcomers in the norms and values of respectability, however, as a respite from tedious, physically draining occupations, boisterous reaction in clubs, saloons, dance halls and picture houses attracted the scorn of the staid “respectables” but was integral to the leisure activities of most urban black workers.
Class and regional differences did not preclude racial consciousness and identification from acting as significant sources of cohesion in the community. Although the elite may have had an investment in the values of the white bourgeoisie, they also provided political and economic leadership based in the black community. Successful professionals and entrepreneurs sponsored by the black press lead to the promotion of independent black marketplace and a notion of separate black economy was in articulated strategy of opportunity and resistance with historical precedents, however lack of capital and experience hampered most black entrepreneurs and prevented them to compete equally with white owned businesses and national chains.
The black press flourished in the 1910 and 1920’s and was instrumental in sustaining the ethos of black economic autonomy as well as setting other agendas for its readership., Namely including Chicago Defender, Chicago Bee, Chicago Wip and Chicago Light, and Broad Axe, and Half-Century Magazine giving the black press their own voice in the community.
The Defender was on of the widely read and one of the first to include a full entertainment section, with Musical and Dramatic pages that featured the nightlife on the South State Street colloquially known as the Stroll, further giving the black bourgeoisie, along with working and migrant blacks the “familiarity and relief of a black world.” Imbued with a consciousness and cultural autonomy, social difference, and struggle, that black Chicagoans encountered commercial entertainment in the movie theatres.
Between 1905-1913 there were at least 12 theatres in the four block stretch of South state Street, offering movies alongwith vaudeville and musical performance. By the 1920’s the theatres increased to more than 20 and the South side became a site for showcase for black music.
Socio economic factors now became instrumental in the changes in the type and location of exhibition venues. Movie theatres became popular sites of leisure and recreation for black Chicagoans, particularly workers and migrants. The Defenders musical and Dramatic pages were full of theatre advertisements, reviews, and theatrical listings. Adam notes although the quality of the offerings at the Pekin might not compare to those of white-owned theatres, she exhorted “the race to show our pride and loyalty by patronizing the house that dedicated to us.”
There was also a notion to propagate black theatre and theatre owners and the Defender noted this carefully. However, it is unclear to what extent black theatre patrons, particularly working and migrants were motivated in their movie going habits by the strategy of an independent black marketplace. Despite the support for black ownership of theatres in the press, the majority of the theatres in the community were owned and operated – though not necessarily staffed – by whites, thus limiting their exposure to the majority of the moviegoers.
The prevailing exhibition context in Chicago’s South Side did not play out an embourgeoisement scenario or foster the uncomplicated assimilation of black workers and migrants into the American mainstream, Rather, the movie theatre was a place where racial identity could be asserted in the face of mass culture, as well as a space where class and regional allegiances could be forged within the black community. Unfortunately, the particular historical circumstances that enabled black culture to maintain a strong presence in Chicago’s Race theatres were dissolved by the onset of the depression and the conversion to sound. However, throughout the silent era, the movie theatre provided the inhabitants of the Black Metropolis with the opportunity to construct a specifically African American, urban, popular culture. More than just a site of unqualified hegemony for white, commercial culture, the South Side theatre was a place where black performers and spectators could really romp.
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