Finding Two - Different Value Systems:

These distinct discursive styles, Herring concludes, are reflections of equally distinct value systems. What is deemed ethical behavior varies according to the gender of the one that deems. Herring analyzed the responses of three hundred questionnaires, which had been administered to the subscribers of eight lists. Sixty percent of respondents were male and forty percent were female. Herring suggests that qualitatively different responses emerged in response to three open-ended questions. Respondents were asked what they liked, disliked, and would like to see changed about the behavior of others on listservs. Men and women came up with different ethical assessments of computer-mediated discursive practices. The replies were coded according to politeness norms, and Herring made a clear distinction between the concepts of positive and negative face. Positive face involves the desire to be liked and ratified within the group, while negative face involves the desire not to be unduly imposed upon by others.(Herring, 124.)

A marked contrast between an "other versus self orientation"(Herring, 124.) was evident in regard to the analysis of respondents as well. Women preferred polite, thoughtful, and considerate online behavior. Men, on the other hand, favoured self-interest, anarchic and agonistic debate, and the avoidance of opposition. In contrast to the positive-politeness ethic evident in most female responses, male responses focused on three themes ñ freedom from censorship, the desirability of candor, and the encouragement of debate. "Taken together, they make up a coherent and rationally motivated system of values that is separate from, and in some cases, in conflict with politeness values."(Herring, 126.) The result of these oppositional ethical norms, for some women, is a sense of alienation. Women who adhere to and prefer behaviour based on a positive-politeness ethic must often create their own discussion forums.

In regard to politeness norms, Herring states that "only women appear to be concerned with positive politeness."(Herring, 126.) In contrast, it seems to be common practice for men to "violate positive politeness." (Herring, 126.) The most evident difference between women and men, is their tendency to flame, and their reactions to flaming. Men often see flaming as an acceptable form of "corrective justice" in response to bombardment by commercial advertisers.(Herring, 128.) Women donít tend to perceive of flaming as an adequate solution.

When Herring examined the responses of male and female respondents about their dislike of violations of negative politeness, however, there was ëconsiderable overlap".(Herring, 131.) Such violations include "uninformative subject headers, quoting text, misdirected/inappropriate messages, messages with little content, and long messages."(Herring, 131.) Males and females alike frowned upon such violations, but they agreed to a lesser degree when asked what they would like to see changed in regard to othersí behaviour. Once again women were "preferentially citing helpful and supportive (positive politeness) behaviors and men citing anarchic and agonistic behaviors."(Herring, 131.) Herring maintains, however, that these responses are not universal and she does not suggest otherwise. Nevertheless, gendered extremes surrounding impressions of what constitutes ethical and desirable behavior exist. Which of these normative influences, if any, are evident in netiquette guidelines? Such guidelines, it is often argued, act in the best interest of all concerned. Herring argues otherwise.

Finding Three - Netiquette Guidelines